Written by: Ali Assad

Mr. Mohamed Nasheed has disclosed in an interview given to local newspapers that a coup will happen in Maldives before 2018.

This spectacular revelation only raised more questions. The five W’s, “what”, “who”, “where”, “when” and “why”, were left thirsty for answers.

Nevertheless, it must be sweet music to the ears of thousands of Nasheed’s supporters. Maldivian Democratic Party (MDP) has been going through every nook and cranny to find a way to rescue Nasheed from his jail sentence.

Recent announcement by Nasheed to compete for 2018 presidential race has renewed hope among MDP members.

During 2008 presidential elections, Nasheed faced many obstacles and legal hurdles to his candidacy. Chances of him participating in 2013 elections looked even more grim due to the pending charge of kidnapping a Chief Justice. The scenario change from defendant to presidential candidate, when Nasheed was awarded MDP presidential ticket for 2013, widely seen as a defence technique to escape the courts, put heavy international pressure on Dr. Waheed’s government to allow Nasheed to compete. So, what are his chances for 2018?

In 2018, the role change is much bigger, from a convicted kidnapper to a presidential candidate. Many in the international communities has voiced their opinion that the trail is not fair and he should be released. The question of whether the trail is fair or not is debatable but the fact that Nasheed ordered the kidnapping of a serving judge is not. In an interview given to BBC Hardtalk, Nasheed confessed to the crimes and stated if given another chance “I will do it again”.

Like all countries, the constitution of Maldives does not allow the participation of a criminal in a presidential race. Unlike the more diplomatic Dr. Waheed, the incumbent president Yameen’s no-nonsense attitude will be a hindrance for Nasheed to achieve his way. The overthrow of a legitimate government and overriding the constitution looks like the only open option.

To understand the gravity of the situation one needs to walk through the recent history of coups in Maldives.

In 1953 Nasheed’s grandfather Kerefaa Dhon Maniku attempted to assassinate the first democratic president of Maldives, President Ameen Didi.

During 1968 Nasheed’s father Kerefaa Abdul Sattar was convicted for smuggling a pistol to assassinate President Ibrahim Nasir. 

As recent as 1980 Nasheed’s uncle Kerefaa Ahmed Naseem attempted a coup against President Maumoon Abdul Gayyoom. 

The last and bloodiest coup attempt was in 1988, with the help of Nasheed’s in-law Sikka Ahmed Ismail Maniku, another failed coup was attempted against Maumoon, in which 19 innocent Maldivians were slaughtered.

Nasheed has a family history of coups and makes one wonder whether it is hereditary.

Time-lapse of newspaper clippings of Nasheed's interviews shows his evolution from a person who does not want the presidency, to informing the media that he is the only MDP candidate, to advising the opposition political parties that the best option is having one opposition candidate and later dictating that he is the only opposition candidate - spawns a picture of someone with a pervert lust for power.

Nasheed claims in the interview that “before 2018 I will get foreign influence to change the government of Maldives. I am also negotiating with India on this”.

Going back to 1988, the coup attempt was by a group of Maldivians led and assisted by armed mercenaries of a Tamil secessionist organisation from Sri Lanka, the People's Liberation Organisation of Tamil Eelam (PLOTE), to overthrow the legitimate government of Maldives. President Gayoom, which the mercenaries failed to capture, asked for military intervention from India, the United States, and the United Kingdom. Indian Prime Minister Rajiv Gandhi immediately dispatched 1,600 troops by air, which helped in failing the coup attempt and capturing the terrorists.

Again, on 7th February 2012, President Nasheed initially requested India to send Indian troops to silence demonstrators calling for his resignation. Indian press reported that Indian officials believed the situation in Maldives was a domestic one and India will not intervene in domestic affairs of a foreign country. After his decision to resign, according to Indian officials, India through discussions with Nasheed, helped to facilitate the transition of power. India was the first country to recognize the new Maldivian government.

Later the CONI (Commission of National Inquiry) report conduct with the support of United Nations and Commonwealth revealed that Nasheed resigned on his own free will. Incredible India’s Prime Minister Manmohan Singh was spot on in making the correct decision.

Will the current Prime Minister of India Narendra Modi be willing to send troops to overthrow a legitimate foreign government? Which countries will be helping Nasheed to bomb Maldives? Will there be only drone attacks or foreign troops send to Maldives? Will Maldives become another Iraq or Syria?

Tomorrow is unimaginable as quoted by president Nasheed “When my party member pesters me for something I will grant that request. But if another party member pesters me, my evilness will be clearly seen. I can do many things with my left hand and right hand. Never think, and none of you can even imagine, the things I will do or not”

Written by: Ali Assad

To some, what happened in Maldives on 7th February 2012 is bigger than the mystery of Kennedy assassination or Loch Ness monster.

For some the reality is as easy as telling blind folded whether the zebra is black with white stripes or white with black stripes -definitely a Coup d’état.

The political quarrels led to the formulation of a Commission of National Inquiry (CONI) with the supervision and backing of United Nations and Commonwealth, which revealed that Mr. Mohamed Nasheed resigned on his own free will.

Rather than dwelling on these contradicting details, following is a time line of what unfolded leading to the power change.

To understand 7th February one has to step back at least a day to walk through the events which led to the demise of Nasheed.

Continuous 22 days of protesting by the opposition had started against the unconstitutional detention of Criminal Court Chief Justice Abdullah Mohamed (Abdullah Ghazee) at Henveiru district, Artificial Beach area of Male’, on the night of 6th February 2012. Also, members of the democratic political party of Maldives MDP had gathered to protest against the protest. Luckily there was no group protesting against the protesters who were protesting the protest. If there were it would have made a great tongue twister.

A blue line of police separated the verbally volatile crowd of demonstrators throwing verbal obscenities at each other. One side the opposition and on the other side the governing party members, which the opposition claimed were more comfortable to demonstrate then run the government.

The circumstances that made this night extraordinary began when the sandwiched police force suddenly started to leave the scene. As expected both the crowds advanced towards each other and the situation escalated dangerously towards a fight. Immediately the police made a detour of their departure and intervened, both parties were pushed back without any bloodshed.

Most people in the crowd were unaware that this was just the “starters” and “main course” was on its way.

The night turned more dramatic when around more than 5 military trucks plus a huge force of military personnel carrying shields and in riot gear marched into the scene. It was unbelievable that the Commander in Chief has sent a small army to control a crowd being handled by a handful of police officers.

Hesitantly the small police force left, escorted by loud cheers from the MDP protesters, while the bewildered opposition protesters were mainly silenced by the new eerie development.

What followed left most opposition supporters in disbelief and disheartened but gave MDP supporters plenty of fuel to jeer at their rivals. The Maldivian army deserted the place, leaving a rattled angry mob of about thousand Maldivian citizens to settle their disputes by their knuckles.

As soon as the dust from the departing army settled, the now loudly cheering MDP protesters, a much younger masculine force, started slowly advancing to face their inferior foe.

Before the battle, the crowds moved as close as five feet apart and without much fanfare fighting ignited suddenly with stones being thrown at each other. To everyone’s surprise, literally every stone thrown by MDP was met by a hail storm of stones by the opposition crowd. This was due to the lucky advantage of an unlimited supply of stones from a demolished house adjacent to Artificial Beach, right next to the side of the opposition demonstrators.

MDP’s strong muscular force was kept at bay, and can be seen painstakingly going to the beach area in search of stones but literally the only ones they could find were the ones thrown at them by their enemy. Surely if the fight had started with bare fists, opposition crowd would have received a bloody defeat with the possibility of a couple of deaths. The tides had turned and it was just a hail storm of stones that neither was winning.

The same week after his debatable resignation cum coup, Nasheed confessed in an interview aired by pro MDP channel RajjeTV, that it was under his orders that the police were removed from the scene and he also directly ordered the military to retreat from Artificial Beach.

Not sure how many minutes passed in these barbaric stone transactions – maybe 10 or 20 minutes.

Unexpectedly the strained chain of command snapped, the removed police force, disobeying their orders, rushed back to the scene to stop the fighting. Rushed back to their sworn duty, to protect and serve the people. This was the catalyst required for the retreated armed forces to stop watching the fighting from afar and intervene to end it.

Due to this event Nasheed ordered the police force to remain in the Republic Square (Jumhooreemaidhaan), right next to their headquarters. MNDF was ordered to cordon the area around this. It was a volatile cocktail for disaster that Nasheed was preparing for himself.

Other events unfolding concurrently includes, infuriated MDP supporters attacking and torching VTV (Villa T V station). After this opposition supporters threw a petrol bomb at Megachip (a business associated with a MDP MP). It was Tom and Jerry warfare, in the capital city, while Nasheed kept deadlocked the country’s security forces in an awkward stalemate.

Inevitably things calmed to a less volatile atmosphere near early morning by the time for the call of morning prayers. Most opposition demonstrators left the scene to pray at the mosque. There was hope dawning on a new day for Nasheed.

When the crowd thinned, Nasheed ordered the military to pull back to the gate area, in front of MNDF headquarters. What followed was a group of armed MDP supporters, with sticks and iron pipes attacking the thinned crowd of opposition protesters now stationed near Maldives Monetary Authority (MMA), near Republic Square.

The soldiers were shackled by Nasheed’s orders and the police force was detained in the middle of Republic Square, when the fight unfolded.

The fight was short, with a few casualties from both sides and none was life threatening.

However, this must have been an epic movement in demoralizing the MNDF as the attack could be clearly perceived as one orchestrated by Nasheed, as this came right after MNDF was unnecessarily ordered back from cordoning the area.

After this the opposition was seen arming themselves with pipes and rocks taken by damaging a nearby fence, temporary erected by the city council controlled by MDP. This fence was widely believed to be erected by city council to stop opposition from protesting in that area, as previous protest had taken place in this area and only after the fence was build, they were forced to protest in artificial beach area.

By morning the atmosphere can be best described as calm. Both the crowds, opposition and MDP were protesting less than hundred feet apart, only hurling verbal obscenities at each other. Opposition near MMA and almost in the next block near Reefside shop, MDP protesters were gathered. It was comical that both groups were seen enjoying morning tea in a café (Metro Café’), right in the middle.

It was during this time period that Nasheed had marched into Republic Square and met the detained and now protesting police force. He demanded that the police force hand themselves up to MNDF. The meeting did not go well and the police force clearly did not want to heed to his demands.

After this an enraged Nasheed was seen in videos leaving and entering MNDF headquarters. A while later, MP Mariya Didi leading the MDP crowd marched into Republic Square, demanding to arrest the police. This was immediately followed by a stronger opposition crowd, now armed with pipes and rocks, which quickly escalated into a fight, also some police officers joined, eventually chasing the MDP crowd from the area.

From a leaked video Nasheed can be seen ordering MNDF officers to immediately go out and arrest the police force as they had attacked Mariya.

What followed next must have been the tipping point of no return for Nasheed’s term in office. Armed forces immediately started shooting tear gas canisters and rubber bullets at the police forces and opposition crowd. The ferocity of the attack was so high that one standing near MMA could not see the multi-story police building (Shaheed Hussain Adam Building) due to the heavy extent of tear gas.

Unluckily for Nasheed, the winds on that day blew most of the gas back onto MNDF headquarters and also schools in the center of Male were effected.

The attack only rattled the opposition and police forces, who were now throwing stones at MNDF headquarters. MNDF forces were forced to retreated back into their headquarters.

Calls for the release of Judge Abdullah Ghazee changed to louds roars for Nasheed’s resignation.

The mess Nasheed had created resembled a drunk out on a limb with a chainsaw.

Later rumors of his resignation flooded the crowd and that afternoon Nasheed met his cabinet in the President’s office and gave his resignation speech in front of the media.

And the very next day – you know what unfolded.

“There are some who advocate for democracy only when they are out of power. Once in power, they are ruthless in suppressing the rights of others.” President Obama

Does the Maldivian government have to release Colonel Nazim?

Written by: Mohamed Abdullah

The UNHRC Working Group on Arbitrary Detention (WGAD) has given the recommendation to release Colonel (Rtd.) Nazim.

Is this binding on the government of Maldives and does the constitution of Maldives allow such actions?

Undoubtedly, the WGAD can only give recommendations, it does not have the authority to go above the Maldivian constitution.

Even in Julian Assange case the UK Secretary of State for Foreign and Commonwealth Affairs, Philip Hammond, rejected the group verdict and called the group's claims irrelevant stating that the finding is not binding on British law.

Former two presidents of Maldives have also called for his release but it can only be viewed as an act against the Maldivian constitution and a disrespectful action towards its citizen’s. The sincerity of the act is highly questionable. Former president Nasheed is in hiding after fleeing from a jail sentence and has a vested interest in the situation. The release of one prisoner is an opportunity for all. Former president Maumoon is fighting a popularity contest with his half-brother, the incumbent president Yameen. The popularity achieved by President Yameen during his short term in office is enormous and increasing.

This can also be seen as a desperate attempt by President Maumoon, who have allegedly accepted bribes from President Nasheed to overthrow the current President Yameen, to actually release President Nasheed, as WGAD have given a similar recommendation to release President Nasheed.

Such irresponsible calls only open doors for foreign intervention in our affairs and the constitution does not allow the release of prisoners jailed after due legal process.

A closure scrutiny on the findings of WGAD reveal many flaws and factual errors.

WGAD claims that the state did not prove that the gun in Nazim’s possession belonged to him. Nazim was charged with a strict liability crime, due to the serious nature of the crime, under this law the burden of proof is with the defendant. All jurisdictions have prescribed offenses of strict liability in order to fight certain kinds of criminal offences, and these crimes in many states include possession of firearms, among offenses such as narcotic drugs. In case of strict liability offenses, the legal principal universally accepted and applied in democratic societies throughout the world is that, once the objective element of the crime is proven against the accused by the prosecution, there is no need to prove the mental element.

Possession of firearms was prescribed as a strict liability crime by Law Number 4/75 in the Maldives in 1955, with Section 9 of the Law specifically stating that once a person is found in possession of a firearm, the onus of proving how it came to be in his possession, so as to avert criminal liability is upon him.

Even in Singapore if someone is arrested for drug trafficking, the burden of proof shifts to the defendant, the prosecutor does not have to prove whether the drugs in the bag are the defendant’s drugs.

Hundreds of persons have been prosecuted under the above-mentioned law in the Maldives since the year 1955, and judges have uniformly and consistently held accused individuals guilty upon establishment of the objective element of the crime by the prosecution, without the need for the prosecution to prove the mental element. In the case of Colonel Nazim, the prosecution proved that Colonel Nazim had firearms in his possession, and though the chance was given, Colonel Nazim and his attorneys were unable to justify that possession before the court.

It is clear that Colonel Nazim was treated in accord with the principles relating to strict liability offenses, and that his case was handled by the judges in the same way cases of strict liability offenses had been handled by the Maldives Judiciary since 1955. The WGAD has not shown why the case of Colonel Nazim should be an exception. In fact, the WGAD demand to make an exception for Colonel Nazim is nothing but a call for the Maldivian Judiciary to treat people differently and to undermine the law.

Another claim made by WGAD is that the former Defence Minister Nazim is a political opponent. However, when he was arrested and charged for possession of fire arms, he was the Defence Minister of President Yameen’s cabinet, the most trusted position in the Cabinet.

WGAD has requested to visit Maldives to further investigate the case but the irony is they could have done this before releasing a factually flawed report.

According to the group the main reason for judicial system failures in Maldives is because of the sudden and quick change to the new constitution in 2008. The WGAD ‘s report acknowledges that time, education and a good management system is required to address the shortcomings of the Judiciary. There is no role or failures of the current administration in it. Rather, the failure is mostly on the part of President Nasheed, who did not bother to enact much needed laws, regulations and increase resources to address the limitations of the Judiciary’s well-functioning.

The current Supreme Court bench of Maldives consists of well-educated and capable judges, comparable to the best in Asia region. However, the government acknowledges that every judge in lower courts may not have a degree and the government is fully committed in addressing these issues.

Understandably it takes time to train people - the judiciary cannot be overhauled overnight.

So, the big question is “who is in violation of the law”?

Undoubtedly, WGAD’s attack on the Maldivian Judiciary can be clearly seen as a fragrant violation of the sovereign rights of an independent State which is a member of the UNO, in disregard of the UN Charter. The WGAD has no authority to interfere and intervene in the judicial systems of UN member states, and to express unfounded opinions on the judgments of the courts in those states. Independence of the Judiciary is a principle recognized by the UNO

and attempts by bodies such as WGAD to interfere with decisions of the courts of Maldives would be considered as nothing but acts of intimidation against small countries such as Maldives.

BRIDGING PARADISE

Written by: Kashfuveriya

The stillborn brainchild of former President Maumoon Abdul Gayyoom, the strategic mastermind of the metaphorically paradise nation–Maldives, has surpassed its life span from its origin to germinate and take root into the wants of the numerous residents whom possess at least a formidable form of intellectual insight. Even in today’s age of such fluctuating political ideology, the idea is still thriving with greater speed and intensity than that of an epidemic. It has, with great amplification of its imperative nature, successfully invaded these minds such as an alien invasive species of flora that has achieved succession, and thereby haunting three presidents till today’s date. This ideology is nothing else besides the reality that is being concreted as we live and breathe, the simple yet immeasurably necessary lifeline to the utopian dream of the Maldives existing as a socio-economically thriving republic. The idea that will provide a non-weather dependent possibility of accessibility to the nearby island of Hulhule’, which happens to home Ibrahim Nasir International Airport, or more commonly known as the “Main Gate” of the country, not to push out the fact that it does, in fact, literally bridge the distance between the unplanned, both internal and external immigrant oozing concrete float of a capital with its suburban, comparatively eden like Youth City, otherwise known as Hulhumale’. This is the China-Maldives Friendship bridge.

Crucially significant as an infrastructure, a bridge, be it splashed with grandeur or insignificantly simple, to such a country that, for all its beauty and exotically enthralling nature is so much more a weight on the shoulders of its figurehead than a few dozen capsules of aspirin could cure. And may it be due to incompetence for the given onus, Ex-president Mohamed Nasheed who is currently in exile under political prescription, claimed it as a feat impractical. Later, he swung back to a streamline of consciousness which pushed him to attain sufficient amount of grey matter to absorb the materiality of the hypothesis that this was an unavoidable instrument for the nation’s development and hence so unsuccessfully attempted to prove his previous misconception as a false, misleading concept. Through which, he had, admittedly, yet unknowingly admitted his ineptitude for the post.

While rebuilding a battered nation, former president Dr. Mohamed Waheedh Hassan Manik strived to conquer the unconquered title of the first of his position to materialise the much-needed requirement of a bridge in Maldives, with futile efforts, in his lamentably minuscule term in office.

But the will and optimistic drive of the present President Abdullah Yameen, has, with no regard to the stain of a memory of the impossibility of the task, under many pessimistically rigorous eyes, forged the possibility of a bridge, which skyrockets upwards below the ultraviolet beams of the sun. Even beneath the inferno of the equatorial belt, it is now in itself in comparison to the galvanising roar of Maldivian spirit of heart or as we prefer it in Dhivehi, “Gaumee Vindhu” booming with the proud roar of accomplishment.

The district Hulhumale’ of the capital Male’ segregated by the body of salt water that is dictated by treacherously unreliable weather charts, is discordant to the fact that the Government has an infinite set of services to provide for public. By unfortunate circumstance, this is the case of the approximately 188 islands of inhabitation of citizens ruled by this governing body, in which the customary transportation mechanism of ferries, more often than not, have been inert. Inevitably, the next cause of action, would by the dearth resources and unequal budgetary capacity would be “Effaskurun”, or a collectivisation by a geophysical aspect, which by the individual standards of island reclamation has proven to be at odds with the frailty of the coral originated atoll formation.

Hence, the only approach left unexploited is bridging, which in contrast to land reclamation is comparatively less environment altering, noxious to the health of it and much more prospective for the possibility of the survival and burgeoning of a densely biodiverse marine ecological system.

In the case of the current situation too which is the case of validity behind the misinformed media of a group in pretence of being environmental activists whom are battling a more-fictional than materialistic evil against the likelihood of the extinction of the already endangered cluster of the citizenry of Male’ City, with the demolition of the underwater shield, which, regrettably had been already extinguished long before the very image of this unjustly tabooed project came before the big screens.

Notably, there is an exception of a singular terror of the dismantling of a dive sight and a replaceable surf point with the progression of this project. Regardless of any fabricated fable, the unvarying veracity remains that now it has become apparent of the bridge’s noteworthiness as a tool for the ascend of this land from a developing country to a developed country. This, out of hand, outweighs the anticipation of an escalation of the rates of crime which could challenge the recently sky scraping architecture of the sun of this state’s solar system. Any other conjured tale can be out jousted by the fact that the ongoing construction of the bridge column has already fashioned a large scale eco system of a marine biome that could, in few decades outdo the underwater Babylonian gardens that the nation boasts so much of.

A stranger, could effortlessly encapsulate the notions and transgressions exhaled by the filterless, adrenaline rushed environmentalists who claim the act of positioning parts of the puzzle pieces of this landmark upon the reef of Gulhi Falhu, while under the sensitive scrutiny of a more apt intellectual could doubtlessly deduce the fact that it was already left dead by the wake of the many notorious environmental impacts faced by this dainty nation that is so bluntly oblivious to its natural state, such as the recent El Nino overload. Such headlines, in conclusion, are no deeper than a shallow tidal pool with less candour than its percentile of drinkability to one haunted by thirst.

Nonetheless, the dearest weapon in the relentless supply of arsenals that aim to wound this architectural Aphrodite would be the mythomaniac cry of oversimplification about the choice of contractor for this historic landmark. But can one bark at the sky off its stubborn blueness and expect the heavens to bow down to your biding? No. Why then would one point their atrociously accusatory finger at President Abdullah Yameen when the bidding of this project was conducted solely by the Chinese Government?

The taunting truth that will someday henceforth strike down the radical yet rudimentarily immature revolution is that the fiasco of GMR Company of India had undeniably left Maldives in a state of incarceration with heavy sanctions and a bitter taste of unwelcomeness that may have kept a solid block of air between the stamp of VISA from the page of any Maldivian’s passport into India. What’s more were the turbulence of international currents from India that bullied Maldives deeper into the sea of depression of countless departments that were all the more readier to swallow the country with their predatory practice.

If not for the regal brainpower and the punctual manoeuvres of President Abdullah Yameen that solidified a fraternity of security with China, the island nation would have become an exemplary Solomon Islands where the Solomon Sea would be the suffocations of politically destructive waves of India that would surely have eroded the ever-praised archipelago into royal blue depths of its own territory.

Therefore, what we must ask ourselves is not whether the China-Maldives Friendship bridge is a sculpture of political achievement, not whether it is a possibility or not, not whether it will eradicate the very cause for our existence, not whether it will open up new opportunities for economic prosperity and certainly not whether it will benefit us or not. The real question that spirals down to our today and tomorrow is simply, if it is not an absolute necessity or not. The answer is as obvious as obvious can get. It is engraved in the betterment of every Maldivian youth and their to be grandsons’ and granddaughters’ bones. It is our now. It is our future.

Rising from the SHADOWS

Maldives has experienced its fair share of a few turbulent storms of failed leaders and many sunnier prosperities of outstanding leaderships.

Development came like gentle waves washing ashore on the beautiful white sandy beaches, never consistent but like the changing tides persistent and tirelessly, through the efforts of many of its great leaders and friendly hardworking people.

As most will agree, the past is just nothing more than a fading shadow of the future.

Let me shine a light at the umbra of recent Maldivian leaders, some has crippled development while others had laid the foundation for today’s success.

“Mohamed Amin Didi was the first democratic president of Maldives. After the death of Sultan Majeed Didi and his son Prince Hassan Fareed Didi, the members of the parliament elected Amin Didi as the next person in line to succeed the sultan. But Amin Didi is known to have said: "for the sake of the people of Maldives I will not accept the crown and the throne". A referendum was held, with the support of the people, he abolished the 812-year-old sultanate and on 1 January 1953 became the first president of the Republic of Maldives. He is also the first leader of the first political party of Maldives, Rayyithunge Muthagaddim Party. Well known for his efforts to modernize the country, which included the advancement of women, education, nationalizing the fish export industry and an unpopular ban on tobacco smoking.

Ibrahim Nasir started civil aviation and was the pioneer of tourism industry. Some of his well-known feats include commencing radio and television, mechanizing the “dhoni” – Maldivian sailboat and instituting modern educational curriculum in English medium to schools. His no-nonsense attitude and strict authoritarian rule made it impossible for the imperialistic British to divide the country. Ultimately winning the independence from British on 26 July 1965.

Maumoon Abdul Gayyoom catapulted Maldives from the least developed 20 countries into a developing nation. The long authoritarian rule known to supporters as “Golden 30 Years” was an era of peace and prosperity. He was the key figure in bringing the perils of low-lying island nations to the attention of the world - a man for all islands. Environment was kept on the forefront during his time of developing Maldives. Without a doubt, he was the pioneer in building flats to create housing, in a country deficient of land - 99% of Maldives is sea. It was during his last term that Maumoon brought modern day democracy to Maldives, mainly because of domestic and international pressure.” (Referred from http://mageyvazan.blogspot.com)

Mohamed Nasheed was sworn in with hopes of the youth in his pocket and an invaluable opportunity to establish, strengthen democracy and good governance. Some were foolish enough to believe his absurd promises such as running the country with a laptop and money earned from two resorts. Few of his more promising pledges include connecting Maldives via a nationwide public transport network. However, as expected by his opponents, mismanagement and his hidden pervert lust for power, slowly evolved him into a brutal dictatorial monster. The very thing he was supposed to be fighting against. Just a few atrocities from his long list include the unconstitutional assignment of eight presidential parliament members, appointed local councils, family and loyalist friends chosen to the cabinet, choking back state broadcasting channels into total control (which only in the last five years of Maumoon’s authoritarian rule had breathed an air of freedom), participating and allowing his loyalist’s to carryout record breaking amount of corruption in Maldives history, locking up Supreme Court, kidnapped a serving judge and jailing nearly all the opposition leaders. Up until Nasheed, Maldives enjoyed a peaceful and stable relationship with all foreign countries but his inability and inexperience caused him to rely on overseas colleagues, opening doors to external countries to meddle with Maldivian foreign policy and ultimately its sovereignty. During his short three years of fanatical rule, the debt rose by MVR23 billion, the price of all goods nearly doubled, Maldivian Ruffiya devalued by more than 20 percent, dollar rate skyrocketed from MVR12.85 to almost MVR20 in the black market. Other than the economy moving forward a little in the first year, from the momentum of Maumoon era, it spiraled uncontrollably to a head-on collision with total failure.

Dr. Mohamed Waheed Hassan Manik became president as a byproduct of the inevitable resignation of his partner Nasheed. Politically in one of the most turbulent times and for someone without any political muscle, the performance and leadership shown by Dr. Waheed was astounding. In his short term, he started healing the bruised economy and mended frayed foreign ties. Increasingly high dollar rate was brought under control and the derailed train of development was guided back onto track. He was a master of diplomacy.

President Abdulla Yameen Abdul Gayoom, came to power from the shadows of his half-brother former president Maumoon. Valuable innumerable services to the country by Yameen, during the long 30 years of rule by Maumoon, was almost invisible and obscure to the general public. President Yameen was a man of action, he was shy, private, funny around friends and chose the limelight only unless it was unavoidable.

At the start of his presidency Yameen was just a silhouette of his half-brother Maumoon.

To rise from beneath the towering shadow of his half-brother, called by some as the “father of development”, wouldn’t be an easy task for anyone but considered insurmountable.

His opponents criticized that he was just a puppet of his big brother, all the shots were being called out by Maumoon and in reality, the country was being run by Maumoon. Now the truth is out in the open. With the always inherent difference in opinions between them brazenly displayed to the public.

President Yameen has become a brand by itself. A trademark of development and prosperity.

Within a short span of a couple of years President Yameen has achieved more than one could dream in a lifespan.

His major accomplishments include, however yet not finished is the famous bridge between Male’ and Hulhule, a structure that eluded three presidents.

Fulfilled his promise of providing Rufiyaa 5000 to every Maldivian above the age of 65, bringing smiles and tears of joy to the elderly.

Invigorated the health sector, pulsing considerable amount of advancement to its heart. Some key achievements include opening a pharmacy in every local island, ongoing 25 story building extension works to Indhira Ghandhi Memorial Hospital (IGMH), construction works of hospitals in local islands plus the state of the art Tree Top Hospital in Hulhumale and upgrading Aasandha (free medical service to Maldivians) - an idea planned by Maumoon and executed by Nasheed. By removing the 1 lakh barrier limit from Aasandha, President Yameen has made it an unlimited healthful medical service to all Maldivians.

Developing the gateway to Maldives – Ibrahim Nasir International Airport (INIA), has been a key priority in President Yameen’s long-term development goals. As a true economist, President Yameen deciphers the current limitations of INIA as a choking bottle neck for development. One of the major constraints lead to curbing tourist arrivals and hence restrictions on the expansion of tourism sector. Most of the obstacles in this colossal project has been cleared and the road paved to complete the mammoth tasks ahead. It will be the largest project in the history of Maldives - a billion-dollar investment.

A selfless leader, who is willing to sacrifice his political career for the best interest of the nation and its people. He has boldly removed the subsidies provided by government on flour, sugar and rice, arranging to provide them only to the poor. A widely despised move and one which would cost him many votes. Subsidies was dragging the country into debt. The staggering amount was Rufiyaa 350 million per year and increasing unchecked. More than 40 percent of the funds were being diverted to feeding foreign labour.

Even though President Yameen is not perceived as an environmentalist, in three short years, he has doubled the renewable energy from 1 to 2 megawatts and his policy of generating 30% of electricity through renewable sources is being achieved by many islands.

Another great visionary idea of President Yameen is building of the Youth City – the city of hope. Most ambitious land reclamation and urban development project undertaken by the Government of Maldives and already the mega reclamation work of Hulhumale second phase has been completed. Hulhumalé is being developed as a modern Smart city with a focus on youth and providing opportunities with the necessary infrastructure to encourage the creative entrepreneurship of the youth of the nation.

Country is developing in full gear, new harbours, harbour renovations, land reclamations, shore protections, government buildings, mosques, airports, water and sewerage works is being completed at an unbelievable rate. With the current trend President Yameen is expected to outdo the combined works of all the previous governments.

The economy is in good shape. Reserve has increased, inflation below 1 percent and recurrent expenditure of the government have been brought down from 80% to 60% of the central budget, allowing to increase public sector investments to double. Dollar has been stable yet currently on the high side of MVR17 in the parallel market. Recently the country was included in the Moody's credit ratings and it was set at B2 with a stable outlook. In general, a credit rating is used by sovereign wealth funds, pension funds and other investors to gauge the credit worthiness of Maldives thus this will have a big impact on the country's borrowing costs.

In a country, deficient of land the dreams of many Maldivians is to own proper housing and this obligation has been met with vehement zealous by President Yameen. His government is constructing more housing projects then the governments of the past 50 years combined. Already the cost of these units has been brought down by as much as 50%, allowing a truly affordable social housing scheme and surely soon the hopes of many Maldivians will be housed in reality.

Present day, we see shades of darkness surrounding the governing party, Progressive Party of Maldives (PPM), by the power struggle and political tug of war between President Yameen and Maumoon. Political atmosphere for PPM is creeping with dark shadows of mistrust, deep cracks of division and shrouded in despair.

As per the famous saying “too many cooks spoil the broth”, is it time for Maumoon to retire from politics and let President Yameen lead the country to prosperity? Is it time to sit back and relax, giving invaluable advice and criticism, where necessary? Is it time to let go? Of course, Maumoon’s backing was vital reinforcement in Yameen winning the election but does that mean he has to authorize, even the appointment of the secretary to the president’s office? The president in power is Yameen.

Now the big questions are, after all what President Yameen has done for the country, will he be able to muster enough votes to win the 2018 election in the first round, without the backing of Maumoon? If not, will Maumoon join the opposition Maldivian Democratic Party in the second round?

In the views of many, the dim shimmering light at the end of the tunnel has cast many mockingly spiteful dancing shadows of doubt, yet the confidence is not shattered completely because rising from the shadows, President Yameen has become a beacon of hope for Maldivians.

House of “Kaadu”

By Ali Assad

What every Maldivian household relies on is the subsidised essentials of “Kaadu” - flour, rice & sugar.

Without doubt the sudden removal of subsidies from the above goods has raised eyebrows within the government and created opportunities for opposition to rally against the government.

The big question is “Is removing subsidies a good policy or a bad move?”

Politically it is suicidal for the government, especially at a time when local counsel campaign is looming ahead. Enforcing an unpopular but essential policy for betterment of the whole nation and its future, is the job of a leader but not what every leader does because it might mean placing your political career at risk. So what’s the catch?

Let’s dive deeper and look into the reality more closely.

Maldives started in the ranks of the 20 poorest countries and since then, we have been receiving subsidies and other special grants from friendly wealthy countries and organizations. Malnourished children with bloated stomachs and protruding belly buttons, especially in the local islands, is a faint memory that few will remember.

We have jumped the hurdle of underdeveloped countries and passed the benchmark line of progress to become a developing nation.

Is this a time to beg for a meal or proudly stand up on our feet?

It is almost ironically funny that we should be subsidizing food when you look at the line of Maldivians queueing to purchase iPhone 7.

Definitely, we cannot be feeding subsidised food to a huge population of expatriate workers, foreign businessman and tourists. Should we give targeted subsidies to roughly about 15000 Maldivians living below the poverty line, as per UNDP and our statistics or share it equally - even with the resort owner? As you will agree, it is not only absurd to give handouts to the rich but also ridiculous to divide handouts equally with the rich and the poor.

The ideal and best solution is managing our livelihood without subsidies. So is this the right time to cut subsidies? Should we cut subsidies slowly in phases during a targeted time period to minimize any shock to the economy and reduce any indirect difficulties to the people? Government has partly reduced the subsidised amount but is it too much and too soon?

Tough questions. Making subsidies available to the poor is solving the easy part of the puzzle.

The difficulty is what will be the larger impact on the economy and the domino effects of such a policy.

Undoubtedly, cost of most food products will increase leading to a price hike. Will this be a temporary inflation? Will the increase in prices reduce our purchasing power ultimately causing a stable reduction in the inflation percent? Will the reduction in purchasing power have a healthy impact in decreasing dollar shortage? 

Whatever the outcome, cutting subsidies is definitely something highly recommended by the experts in the International Monetary Fund.

Maldives should not become another Greece, where the heavy dependence on handouts and subsidies was the main reason for the countries economical downfall. Not to mention similar problems faced by Italy and France.

For critics of this policy, my question is what is worse, cutting subsidies or the boycott and smear campaigns against Maldives by the opposition? That is not including the call for sanctions and oppositions’ push to place country in CMAG’s agenda through their powerful contacts in UK Conservative Party and other such wealthy contacts like Richard Branson, founder of Virgin Group, who is dedicated to the oppositions’ cause.

Money earned by the government should be well spent on future generations. We can’t always afford to live with the mind set of ‘business as usual’. The government’s current spending on capital or Public Sector Investment Projects (PSIP) have doubled to 40% of the budget. Also number of local islands having access to clean water, proper sanitation facilities and renewable energy have more than doubled. The number one problem faced by Maldivians is housing and the housing projects announced and underway are more than all the previous government’s housing projects put together.

So is the deck of stories of unchecked inflation, food shortages, country getting bankrupt and other unrealistic fiction just an exaggerated facade of lies built up by the opposition that in reality will fall and blow away like a house of cards?

Whose Commonwealth?

Written by: Ali Assad

A collection of not very important states brought together by the unhappy accident of having been colonized by the English.

It is a British consolation prize for the loss of an empire.

More surprising is that Commonwealth exists because it can be viewed as a byproduct of anti-colonial resentment that hastened the demise of the British Empire. After World War II British Empire was gradually dismantled and Commonwealth can be seen as a stepping stone in the decolonization process, a futile last grip to withhold power, control and dominance.

Commonwealth was formally known as British Commonwealth & modern day version came about 50 years ago. Previously even the Commonwealth Day was called Empire Day. English language enshrined as a means of Commonwealth communications. A royal title claims Queen Elizabeth II as the head.

Of course it is not that deficient but has possibilities and advantages and a small queue of countries wanting to join.

Technically speaking the Commonwealth operates by intergovernmental organization of the member states organized through the Commonwealth secretariat and non-governmental organization organized through Commonwealth Foundation.

On a brighter note Commonwealth provides space for small underdeveloped nations to speak with big countries on a level platform. Helps and encourages underdeveloped nations to raise there standard of democracy, rights, governance and strengthens social economic development.

However, its rather ambitious objectives have become a thorn in its irrelevant decaying body.

Boasts of World peace, democracy and individual liberty, pursuit of equality, opposition to racism, fight against poverty, ignorance and disease, discrimination on the basis of gender and environmental sustainability

A pitiful budget makes it a useless tool for any global role.

Recent years has seen its purpose & relevance questioned because of its commitment to enforce its core values. Its stand is becoming ambiguous in the eyes of the member states.

In 20 century it is ludicrous to believe that in contemporary Australia that the legal head of the Australian state can never be chosen by the people or their representatives and can never be an indigenous person but from one family of English aristocrats living in a palace in London.

It was as late as 1991 the apartheid system in South Africa was ended.

As the imperial powers and dominance dwindled new ideas were floated to prevent Britain from becoming isolated in economic affairs and countries like Germany, France, Belgium, Italy, and Netherlands were originally invited to join the Commonwealth but later became, what is known as the European Union.

During the decolonization process some countries that had not joined the Commonwealth include United Arab Emirates and Egypt. Others like British Palestine are now turned into Israel.

Support for Commonwealth is twice as high in underdeveloped nations compared to developed nations.

Commonwealth has no trade privileges or economic policy and has diminished into a private club falsely trying to uphold democracy and human rights.

Importance of Commonwealth has deteriorated so low that most people in the Commonwealth countries believe that Commonwealth & Commonwealth Games are the same thing. It’s an opportunity for England, once in every four years, to win things in the sporting arena.

United Kingdom trade with Commonwealth countries is four times larger then European Union.

So whose Commonwealth its it? I will leave the answer to the readers.

On 3^rd October 2013 Gambia became the most recent nation to withdraw from the Commonwealth.

With the current turmoil of the #Brexit vote results, it is expected for more nations to fall off from the UK like a pack of dominoes. This will further diminish the old imperial powers collective say in the world stage.

Maldives as an underdeveloped nation has benefited from the Commonwealth. It has substantially grown into a developing nation and now Commonwealth has become more of a burden, a waste of time of government that would be better spent on regional trade blocks and packs that matter.

We have milked the Queen dry, so is it time to move on for better greener pastures?